The health care reform bill on track to pass the Senate on Thursday
would do more than any proposal yet to reduce the deficit over time -
by an estimated $132 billion over 10 years and by substantially more
thereafter.
But reducing the deficit is not entirely
synonymous with the oft-stated goal of health reform: reducing the
growth rate in health care costs and expenditures - often referred to
as "bending the cost curve."
That growth rate is what drives federal spending on Medicare and other federal health programs.
And it's what budget experts say will pummel the federal budget in future years if nothing is done to change it.
So how would the Senate bill
fare in bending the cost curve from the perspective of the federal
budget? The short answer is the ever-unsatisfying "it depends."
The
Congressional Budget Office estimates the bill could over time reduce
the federal budget commitment to health care - that's spending on
programs like Medicare plus the amount of health-related federal tax
breaks.
For instance, the CBO estimates that Medicare spending
per beneficiary would grow by an average of 2% on an inflation-adjusted
basis over the next two decades. That's half the 4% annual growth rate
that has marked the past two decades.
But that estimated reduction is highly dependent on a number of factors.
More
than anything, it depends on whether this and future Congresses will do
what the bill says ... to the letter. The budget agency noted such
stick-to-itiveness is rare when it comes to major legislation and said
the bill includes measures that "might be difficult to sustain over a
long period of time" - such as reduced pay increases for various
Medicare service providers.
And reducing the federal budgetary
commitment to health care also depends on how well the cost-bending
provisions in the legislation work.
In addition to the Medicare
savings called for in the bill, two other major provisions could help
bend the cost curve, according to former CBO Director Donald Marron.
The
first is the creation of an Independent Payment Advisory Board that
would recommend ways to reduce Medicare's spending growth beyond what
the legislation calls for. The second is the establishment of an
excise tax on very expensive health plans intended to encourage
employers and their workers to become more consumer savvy in their
health spending choices.
The CBO said in particular that the bill's savings potential depends on whether the new Medicare board's recommendations effectively control the growth rate in Medicare spending.
"We
need real entitlement reform," said Douglas Holtz-Eakin, another former
CBO director. He thinks the board could help make meaningful fixes, but
he doubts that Congress will follow the board's toughest
recommendations.
Savings could be jeopardized, further, if any
cost-bending provision is weakened or eliminated when the Senate and
House hammer out their differences early next year on what a final
health reform bill should look like.
Lastly, how far the
Senate bill bends the cost curve depends on the success of pilot
programs in the legislation designed to make health care delivery more
cost-efficient.
"They're setting up a framework under which we
can learn what bends the cost curve over time," said Josh Gordon,
policy director at the Concord Coalition, a deficit watchdog group.
'Health care could bankrupt U.S.'
In
the meantime, while the bill is projected to reduce the deficit in
between 2010 and 2019, the federal budget commitment to health care
will increase by an estimated $200 billion because of provisions in the
bill that call for, among other things, the federal government to
subsidize the purchase of insurance by many Americans.
Best-case scenario
CBO
estimates are never flawless. The agency strives to offer
middle-of-the-road readings, neither too optimistic nor too
pessimistic. And they're based on the language of legislation, not the
political realities of Congress.
"I would say the risks
[including the political ones] tend to lean towards everything costing
more and saving less, but it isn't out of the realm of possibility that
the bill could save more than CBO suggests," Gordon said.
Assume
for a moment, though, that the CBO analysis is dead-on. The agency
estimates that the Senate bill could reduce federal budget deficits by
between one-quarter percent and one-half percent of GDP in the decade
after 2019.
That's a step toward putting the federal budget on a more sustainable track. But it's just a start.
"It's
a relatively modest contribution to reducing the long-term debt
overhang," said Senate Budget Committee Chairman Kent Conrad, D-N.D.,
in an interview with C-SPAN.
Here's what modest means. The
so-called fiscal gap is estimated to be anywhere from 4% to 8% of GDP,
Marron said. That's a measure of how much spending would need to be
permanently cut or taxes permanently raised if lawmakers were to put
the federal budget on a more sustainable track long-term.
The Senate bill could move the needle by 0.5% of GDP in CBO's best-case scenario.
While that doesn't seem like a lot, it's far from nothing,
especially
given how hard the goal of curbing health costs is. And it's an
indication of just how hard the fight will be next year when lawmakers
are expected to consider proposals for how to address deficit reduction long-term.